Speaking out of turn? New Government takes up office, but it’s an inauspicious and chaotic start
When the results of the General Election came in late last year, a broad consensus was quickly reached: that, to a somewhat unexpected degree, and despite apparent tangible dissatisfaction, Irish voters had opted to stick with incumbent parties for yet another term.
With such a penchant for and experience with the status quo, one might optimistically assume that such a decision would, at the very least, mean the government would have a quick enough path to formation by the time the ‘deadline’ came around – but then again, getting things done on time is not exactly the political status quo here.
I am referring of course to the chaotic scenes that caused history to be made on Wednesday, January 22nd, when, after a day of escalating tensions and disorder, the Dáil failed, for the first time in over a hundred years, to fulfil its constitutional obligation to elect a Taoiseach. It wasn’t until the following day that the Dáil was finally able to settle into its new term, under the helm of Fianna Fáil leader Micheál Martin once again. All’s well that ends, well… the same way it started out.
However it remains to be seen whether the recent chaotic spectacle was merely a brief blip in the Taoiseach-electing procedure, a teething process in the Dáil’s return… or rather, a glimpse into the uneasy alliances that will define this new government’s tenure.
Speaking out of turn?
The chaos which led to conversation in the Dáil being suspended on multiple occasions was prompted (perhaps ironically) by the issue of speaking time.
In a spectacular display of parliamentary brinkmanship, the Regional Independent Group (RIG) attempted to secure recognition as an opposition entity, despite lending its votes to sustain the incoming government.
Comprising, as the name suggests, of a handful of independent TDs from rural areas, the Regional Independent Group had struck a deal with Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil earlier in January to pave the way for government formation. Under the agreement, two members of the Regional Independent Group (RIG) would sit at cabinet, each holding ‘super junior’ ministries. These members are Noel Grealish and Seán Canney, while Kevin ‘Boxer’ Moran and Marian Harkin will hold junior ministerial roles – leaving just leader Michael Lowry and new TDs Barry Heneghan and Gillian Toole as parliamentary backbenchers. In return for these positions, the RIG will support Fianna Fáil (FF) and Fine Gael (FG) in key votes, ensuring they have the necessary majority and can therefore remain stable.
And yet, during the recent very tense proceedings in Leinster House, the RIG sought to retain speaking privileges in the Dáil… from the opposition benches.
Arguing that since they were not formally part of a coalition they should be granted opposition status (and privileges), the group attempted to leverage procedural rules by requesting official opposition status from Ceann Comhairle Verona Murphy, to entitle them to more time to question ministers and a greater platform in debates.
In the subsequent backlash that ensued, the Dáil session was marked by significant disorder and suspended three times. Opposition politicians (or the rest of them, per RIG) expressed outrage at what they viewed as an audacious attempt to game the system. Eventually, following much commotion, a decision was ultimately made not to recognise the group until further clarification on their position is determined, but criticism continued to abound from the rest of the political sphere regarding the request.
Labour party leader Ivana Bacik commented, “All we need now is the return of the Galway tent”. Sinn Féin leader Mary Lou McDonald lambasted the government-in-waiting for engaging in “stroke politics” and accused the RIG of wanting to have it both ways. Amid her comments, she insisted that the group’s leader, the controversial Tipperary North TD Michael Lowry, “not be allowed to masquerade as an opposition TD”.
This week, the unseemly row over the Regional Group’s bid to have speaking rights from the opposition benches – while still supporting the new government – finally came to a head, Ceann Comhairle Verona Murphy ruling that Michael Lowry & Co cannot form a technical group. It’s been quite a saga, and a bad start for the new administration.
Michael Lowry returns… having never left
The flurry of attention on the RIG has reignited interest in its leader, one of Ireland’s most controversial, yet enduring, political figures: former Fine Gael minister and by now long-time independent TD Michael Lowry.
Having been investigated by two State tribunals – the findings of which describe his “insidious and pervasive influence” during a multi-billion euro (pounds at the time) state telecommunications contract, his “cynical and venal abuse of office”, and his behaviour as being “profoundly corrupt to a degree that was nothing short of breathtaking” – Lowry is a politician who, on paper, would not be expected to still hold the political position he does. Lowry resigned as a minister and from Fine Gael, and when the controversy around him peaked following the publication of the Moriarty tribunal report in 2011, a motion was passed by the Dáil calling on him to resign his seat – but in effect, his presence has endured, with Lowry having continually maintained a stalwart role in his Tipperary North constituency (topping the poll, in fact) as an independent TD, while still consistently voting alongside Fine Gael in an informal arrangement of mutual benefit.
For many, Lowry represents what is (hoped to be) an old type of Irish politics; one defined by backroom dealings, parish-pump loyalty, and a certain air of invincibility that seems impervious to the small matters of tribunal findings and public condemnation. And while it’s not as if Lowry ever truly took a step back from politics, his return to the forefront within the national conversation – alongside his group’s pivotal role in government formation – has raised eyebrows, not to mention concerns around just how much power-sharing appears to favour pragmatism over principle.
The more things change…
For the public, Lowry’s renewed relevance, and the fact that the FF-FG coalition had (or decided) to join forces with the controversial politician’s group to form a government at all, underscores an uncomfortable idea: that Irish politics may be troubled with old habits – a sentiment not helped by recent reports that this government will be the best paid in the history of the State.
Irish voters opted to retain incumbent parties in November, and given evident public dissatisfaction regarding a lack of effective action on issues like housing, the cost of living crisis, and the far-right, it feels fair to presume that, rather than this having been a decision made solely on the basis of satisfaction with government policies, there was also a sense of craving stability in times of heightened tensions and polarisation.
It remains very early days for the new government, and so it also remains to be seen whether or not the recent chaos was a blip or an omen. Only time will tell, but even in its infancy, questions are already mounting over this new government’s ability to maintain cohesion, manage dissent, and avoid the perception that it is engaging in political manoeuvring to sustain power. Stability, it turns out, is a relative term.
