In 2018, almost 400 women staged a march to Cork Courthouse, where underwear was symbolically laid on the court steps in protest over comments made during a rape trial that the teenage complainant’s choice of underwear – a lace thong – implied consent.

“Does the evidence out-rule the possibility that she was attracted to the defendant and was open to meeting someone and being with someone?”, the accused’s senior counsel, Elizabeth O’Connell, asked during closing arguments.

“You have to look at the way she was dressed. She was wearing a thong with a lace front.”

This scandal was among the most infamous incidents to occur in recent memory regarding the treatment of sexual abuse victims in Irish courts, and caused outcry across the country. Under the hashtag #ThisIsNotConsent, Irish women posted photographs of their underwear in all shapes, colours, and materials to protest the use of such techniques in court. Supporters gathered at the Spire in Dublin, where a ‘washing line’ was strung between lampposts displaying women’s underwear, with others also gathering in protest in Limerick, Galway, and Waterford. In a now famous moment, Solidarity TD Ruth Coppinger brandished lacy underwear in the Dáil to raise awareness of the controversy.

“It might seem embarrassing to show a pair of thongs here in this incongruous setting”, she said at the time. “How do you think a rape victim or a woman feels at the incongruous setting of her underwear being shown in a court?”

There was a twofold argument being made in protest of the incident. Principally, the egregiously unjust way in which the underwear had been treated as implied consent; it should go without saying that a person’s clothing can never overwrite their consent, and hence justify their abuse. But the outcry also sought to highlight a more general problem within the Irish court system; the relentless and systemic shaming of victims of sexual assault, and disrespecting of the privacies they should be entitled to – an issue which has been criticised for effectively retraumatising the victims the courts are (supposedly) there to provide justice to.

Many think of this controversy in 2018 as being a watershed moment or turning point, however, while it indeed caused a significant spike in conversation and awareness, the truth of the matter is that subsequent victims have not been saved from similar experiences.

Just last week, a young woman who was raped by her 62-year-old landlord described the showing of her underwear in court during the trial as being an “out of body experience.”

But beyond underwear, this shaming persists. In recent days, jurors in a rape trial taking place in the Central Criminal Court were shown video footage of a sexual encounter between the complainant and a man not on trial, in an attempt to evidence the defence’s claims that the complainant’s word was unreliable, and to imply promiscuity.

The complainant, who had taken issue with the footage being played and chosen not to be present in court for it, took to the witness stand to continue cross-examination afterwards.

Under questioning from the defence’s Padraig Dwyer, the complainant confirmed that she was saying that she had been raped by both the accused man and the second man seen in the video, which was taken on the same night.

“The reason I’m asking you about the second man is to show that your word is not reliable in relation to what is rape,” defence counsel said.

“There’s a big difference between the incident with the first man and the second man,” the woman replied. “One rape can be very different from another rape.”

The full picture when it comes to the systemic nature of victim blaming and shaming within Irish courts extends beyond these more publicised cases, but the patterns seen across them amount to a certain – if harrowing – indication of the overall situation.

Defence strategies frequently rely on discrediting the survivor’s character, focusing on their sexual history, appearance, or personal choices rather than the alleged actions of the accused. Survivors are often cross-examined in ways that leave them feeling violated once more, a process that can deter others from reporting sexual crimes altogether.

In addition to cultural attitudes, outdated legal structures continue to enable these practices at a systemic level. Calls for legislative reform have been made repeatedly, yet little has changed in practice, with there being perhaps no better example than the issue of victims’ counselling notes being used as evidence.

The admissibility of victims’ counselling records has been widely condemned for some time, further emboldened by the fact that those of the alleged perpetrator are not admissible. It is a particularly perverse invasion of privacy; to take the details shared in confidence to a professional about a traumatic experience, and then make those details public in a courtroom and open them up to possible misrepresentation and manipulation by defence counsel.

Survivors who go through with the trial process are effectively being forced to evaluate whether the treatment of their mental health and trauma is worth the ‘risk’ of having this counselling experience used against them. The start of the year saw Susan Lynch, a woman who was raped by her former partner, say in her victim impact statement that she did not receive any counselling because she thought the notes from the sessions would be used against her; she is one of a countless many.

And yet, it was reported last month that a previous government commitment to ban outright the use of rape survivors’ counselling records as evidence is likely to be rolled back.

With just a fraction of rape/assault cases being taken to court, and an even smaller fraction resulting in prosecutions, a substantial ‘justice gap’ already exists regarding the handling of sexual crime in Ireland. And the more we hear about how victims are allowed to be treated in court at a systemic level, the more it becomes evident that the barriers to justice extend far beyond social and cultural constraints, to the legal framework itself.

The post Let’s talk about… The punishment of SA victims in Irish courts appeared first on Roscommon People.

  The series, which has enjoyed alternate rankings on the platform’s Top 10 list over the past few weeks, follows the aforementioned Belle Gibson – who amassed millions of Instagram followers in the early 2010s with her inspirational account of how she’d beaten a terminal brain cancer diagnosis with healthy diet. Gibson went on to kickstart a hugely successful career off the back of this following, launching a recipe app called ‘The Whole Pantry’ (which saw her enter talks with Apple to make the app a privileged pre-installed default third-party inclusion in the Apple Watch) and signing a book deal with Penguin. All the while, Gibson continued to post content promoting the efficacy of her healthy eating methods in battling cancer, also sharing that much of her profits – then reportedly in excess of A$1m – was going to various charities, cancer-related and otherwise.

  Then, in March 2015, investigative journalists who had noticed inconsistencies in Gibson’s cancer narrative and began researching the influencer, revealed there was no evidence of her purported donations. Under mounting pressure and public scrutiny, Gibson admitted in April 2015 that she had entirely fabricated both her cancer diagnosis and charitable contributions. She was fined A$410,000 for misleading consumers in 2017 – a penalty she has yet to pay as of 2025.

  While the revelation shocked people around the world – particularly in Gibson’s native Australia – undoubtedly the most insidious consequence of this years-long con was the impact it had for those of her followers who did actually have cancer, who had been encouraged to shirk conventional medicine in favour of Gibson’s alternative ‘treatments’.

  Now, a decade on from when this scandal first broke, comes Netflix’s ‘Apple Cider Vinegar’. And in many ways, given the shocking nature of Gibson’s story, it is unsurprising to see the platform release a series based on it. After all, the ‘based on a true story’ category of media has become a very reliable genre in modern entertainment in recent years.

  These ‘based on a true story’ narratives add an additional point of interest to a piece of media, tapping into the very human fascination with real-life deception, scandal, and intrigue that causes the true stories they’re based on to gain such exposure in the first place. In fact, ‘Apple Cider Vinegar’ appears to form part of a growing sub-genre within this niche itself – the rise and fall of real-life, high profile con-women, with Hulu’s ‘The Dropout’ (based on infamous Theranos founder Elizabeth Holmes) and Netflix’s ‘Inventing Anna’ (based on faux socialite Anna Sorokin) having enjoyed their own respective successes in recent years.

  However, media ‘based on a true story’ can be murky business; with each new adaptation comes the familiar ethical dilemmas. When does the dramatisation of a true story become exploitative rather than informative? How much fictionalisation is too much? And perhaps most importantly – who gets to benefit from telling these stories?

  For its part, ‘Apple Cider Vinegar’ is quick to tack the line “Belle Gibson has not been paid for the recreation of her story” onto the end of its repeated disclaimer. Creator and writer Samantha Strauss has expressed she thought this an essential inclusion, after a friend, upon hearing she was doing the show, asked: “Why would you want to give this woman any more oxygen? Are they being paid for it?”

  It goes without saying that any version of ‘Apple Cider Vinegar’ that did reimburse Gibson would’ve been met with unquellable outrage (and rightly so). And given that the latest reports on Gibson have her claiming to be “adopted” into Melbourne’s Ethiopian community, calling herself Sabontu, and speaking in broken English, she looks unlikely to try and profit off the show in other ways; to use it to re-ignite some sort of public attention or favour – as, for example, faux socialite Anna Sorokin has (in spite of her ongoing house arrest), appearing in interviews and on television, and building a substantial following since Netflix’s portrayal of her attempts to infiltrate New York’s elite social circles under false pretences in ‘Inventing Anna’ (due in no small part to Gen Z’s semi-ironic conclusion that her actions were more ‘iconic’ than insidious).

  In this respect, ‘Apple Cider Vinegar’ appears to have steered clear of a major problem similar shows have fallen into – that is, benefiting the figure they’re meant to be criticising. And in the absence of Gibson being able to profit (metaphorically or monetarily) from ‘Apple Cider Vinegar’ comes the opportunity for the show’s impact to be more about its message than its inspiration, which is perhaps more aligned with what we should expect from media ‘based on a true story’.

  After all, there is a distinction between a documentary and a show like this; a documentary should be about the facts, but when something is ‘based on a true story’, there’s an inherent understanding that some aspects have been dramatised and/or completely fictionalised.

  This understanding is made explicit in ‘Apple Cider Vinegar’s disclaimer: “Some names have been changed to protect the innocent”. Though of course, the show also takes creative liberties for less magnanimous reasons – that is, for the sake of a better/more cohesive narrative, with another disclaimer for the series to be found in its advertisement as a “true-ish story”.

  The show gets a bit tongue-in-cheek with this description; ‘Apple Cider Vinegar’ is a true-ish story in that aspects of the Belle Gibson scandal have been made up for the show, but also in that it is “a true story based on a lie”; Gibson’s lie. The irony is not lost on Strauss, who noted, “It’s an interesting thing when you’re dealing with someone who has lied and you’re creating a work that is, in some respects, fiction as well.”

  This acknowledgement is important, not just for the sake of full disclosure, but also legally for Netflix – something they’ve been made particularly aware of in recent months with the aftermath of another of their real-life inspired shows, ‘Baby Reindeer’.

  ‘Baby Reindeer’ saw Scottish comedian Richard Gadd star in a retelling of his experience with a female stalker, and how it forced him to relive the past sexual trauma he had buried. The show became explosively popular for its effectiveness as a ‘comedy-thriller’, its cinematographic choices, and its enormous emotional impact, but amid the hype that greeted the show’s release, curiosity grew over the real identity of ‘Martha’ – the name given to Gadd’s stalker in the show. And because Netflix had changed very little in its depiction of this woman beyond her name, this growing curiosity eventually culminated in internet ‘sleuths’ exposing her actual identity.

  The woman went on to appear on a now infamous episode of Piers Morgan Uncensored, in which she denied much of what the show had depicted. And in September, she was given the green light to proceed with a US$170m defamation lawsuit against Netflix after a judge ruled the series was wrongly billed as “a true story”, not ‘based on a true story’. As a result, for many, the name ‘Baby Reindeer’ conjures up memories of this chaotic aftermath, as opposed to the messages the show attempted to put across regarding trauma, obsession, male victims of assault, and the long-term effects of abuse.

  There is not just an appetite for media ‘based on a true story’, but a real place for it culturally, in terms of how it can reflect and comment meaningfully on societal issues. Similar to ‘Baby Reindeer’ being about more than Gadd, ‘Martha’, or anyone else, ‘Apple Cider Vinegar’ is not just about Gibson; it explores the unchecked and pervasive influence of social media, the allure and false promises of modern ‘wellness’ culture, and most devastatingly, the true toll of a cancer diagnosis, and how those who feel unheard or let down by conventional medicine end up scrambling for alternative options.

  Ultimately, the challenge with ‘true-ish’ storytelling lies in striking the right balance – between authenticity and entertainment, between creative license and ethical responsibility. When done well, these stories can illuminate cultural issues, spark conversations, and even offer some form of validation for those who’ve experienced hardships. But when handled more carelessly, they risk becoming exploitative or misleading, or, for the creators behind them, legally problematic – something Netflix has quickly learned the ‘truth’ of.

The post Let’s talk about… Media… ‘based on a true story’ appeared first on Roscommon People.

Media “based on a true story”

Each episode of Netflix’s ‘Apple Cider Vinegar’ begins with the same disclaimer: “This is a true story based on a lie. Some names have been changed to protect the innocent. Belle Gibson has not been paid for the recreation of her story.”

The series, which has enjoyed alternate rankings on the platform’s Top 10 list over the past few weeks, follows the aforementioned Belle Gibson – who amassed millions of Instagram followers in the early 2010s with her inspirational account of how she’d beaten a terminal brain cancer diagnosis with healthy diet. Gibson went on to kickstart a hugely successful career off the back of this following, launching a recipe app called ‘The Whole Pantry’ (which saw her enter talks with Apple to make the app a privileged pre-installed default third-party inclusion in the Apple Watch) and signing a book deal with Penguin. All the while, Gibson continued to post content promoting the efficacy of her healthy eating methods in battling cancer, also sharing that much of her profits – then reportedly in excess of A$1million – was going to various charities, cancer-related and otherwise.

Then, in March 2015, investigative journalists who had noticed inconsistencies in Gibson’s cancer narrative and began researching the influencer, revealed there was no evidence of her purported donations. Under mounting pressure and public scrutiny, Gibson admitted in April 2015 that she had entirely fabricated both her cancer diagnosis and charitable contributions. She was fined A$410,000 for misleading consumers in 2017 – a penalty she has yet to pay as of 2025.

While the revelation shocked people around the world – particularly in Gibson’s native Australia – undoubtably, the most insidious consequence of this years-long con was the impact it had for those of her followers who did actually have cancer, who had been encouraged to shirk conventional medicine in favour of Gibson’s alternative ‘treatments’.

Now, a decade on from when this scandal first broke, comes Netflix’s ‘Apple Cider Vinegar’. And in many ways, given the shocking nature of Gibson’s story, it is unsurprising to see the platform release a series based on it. After all, the “based on a true story” category of media has become a very reliable genre in modern entertainment in recent years.

These “based on a true story” narratives add an additional point of interest to a piece of media, tapping into the very human fascination with real-life deception, scandal, and intrigue that causes the true stories they’re based on to gain such exposure in the first place. In fact, ‘Apple Cider Vinegar’ appears to form part of a growing sub-genre within this niche itself – the rise and fall of real-life high-profile con-women, with Hulu’s ‘The Dropout’ (based on infamous Theranos founder Elizabeth Holmes) and Netflix’s ‘Inventing Anna’ (based on faux socialite Anna Sorokin) having enjoyed their own respective successes in recent years.

However, media “based on a true story” can be murky business; with each new adaptation comes the familiar ethical dilemmas. When does the dramatization of a true story become exploitative rather than informative? How much fictionalisation is too much? And perhaps most importantly – who gets to benefit from telling these stories?

For its part, ‘Apple Cider Vinegar’ is quick to tack the line “Belle Gibson has not been paid for the recreation of her story” onto the end of its repeated disclaimer. Creator and writer Samantha Strauss has expressed she thought this an essential inclusion, after a friend, upon hearing she was doing the show, asked: “Why would you want to give this woman any more oxygen? Are they being paid for it?”

It goes without saying that any version of ‘Apple Cider Vinegar’ that did reimburse Gibson would’ve been met with unquellable outrage (and rightly so). And given that the latest reports on Gibson have her claiming to be “adopted” into Melbourne’s Ethiopian community, calling herself Sabontu, and speaking in broken English, she looks unlikely to try and profit off the show in other ways; to use it to re-ignite some sort of public attention or favour – as, for example, faux socialite Anna Sorokin has (in spite of her ongoing house arrest), appearing in interviews and on television, and building a substantial following since Netflix’s portrayal of her attempts to infiltrate New York’s elite social circles under false pretences in ‘Inventing Anna’ (due in no small part to Gen Z’s semi-ironic conclusion that her actions were more ‘iconic’ than insidious).

In this respect, ‘Apple Cider Vinegar’ appears to have steered clear of a major problem similar shows have fallen into – that is, benefiting the figure they’re meant to be criticising. And in the absence of Gibson being able to profit (metaphorically or monetarily) from ‘Apple Cider Vinegar’ comes the opportunity for the show’s impact to be more about its message than its inspiration, which is perhaps more aligned with what we should expect from media “based on a true story”.

After all, there is a distinction between a documentary and a show like this; a documentary should be about the facts, but when something is “based on a true story”, there’s an inherent understanding that some aspects have been dramatized and/or completely fictionalised.

This understanding is made explicit in ‘Apple Cider Vinegar’s disclaimer: “Some names have been changed to protect the innocent”. Though of course, the show also takes creative liberties for less magnanimous reasons – that is, for the sake of a better/more cohesive narrative, with another disclaimer for the series to be found in its advertisement as a “true-ish story”.

The show gets a bit tongue-in-cheek with this description; ‘Apple Cider Vinegar’ is a true-ish story in that aspects of the Belle Gibson scandal have been made up for the show, but also in that it is “a true story based on a lie”; Gibson’s lie. The irony is not lost on Strauss, who noted, “It’s an interesting thing when you’re dealing with someone who has lied and you’re creating a work that is, in some respects, fiction as well.”

This acknowledgement is important, not just for the sake of full disclosure, but also legally for Netflix – something they’ve been made particularly aware of in recent months with the aftermath of another of their real-life inspired shows, ‘Baby Reindeer’.

‘Baby Reindeer’ saw Scottish comedian Richard Gadd star in a retelling of his experience with a female stalker, and how it forced him to relive the past sexual trauma he had buried. The show became explosively popular  for its effectiveness as a ‘comedy-thriller’, its cinematographic choices, and its enormous emotional impact, but amid the hype that greeted the show’s release, curiosity grew over the real identity of ‘Martha’ – the name given to Gadd’s stalker in the show. And because Netflix had changed very little in its depiction of this woman beyond her name, this growing curiosity eventually culminated in internet ‘sleuths’ exposing her actual identity.

The woman went on to appear on a now infamous episode of Piers Morgan Uncensored, in which she denied much of what the show had depicted. And in September, she given the green light to proceed with a US$170m defamation lawsuit against Netflix after a judge ruled the series was wrongly billed as “a true story”, not “based on a true story”. As a result, for many ,the name ‘Baby Reindeer’ conjures up memories of this chaotic aftermath, as opposed to the messages the show attempted to put across regarding trauma, obsession, male victims of assault, and the long-term effects of abuse.

There is not just an appetite for media “based on a true story”, but a real place for it culturally, in terms of how it can reflect and comment meaningfully on societal issues. Similar to ‘Baby Reindeer’ being about more than Gadd, ‘Martha’, or anyone else, ‘Apple Cider Vinegar’ is not just about Gibson; it explores the unchecked and pervasive influence of social media, the allure and false promises of modern “wellness” culture, and most devastatingly, the true toll of a cancer diagnosis, and how those who feel unheard or let down by conventional medicine end up scrambling for alternative options.

Ultimately, the challenge with ‘true-ish’ storytelling lies in striking the right balance—between authenticity and entertainment, between creative license and ethical responsibility. When done well, these stories can illuminate cultural issues, spark conversations, and even offer some form of validation for those who’ve experienced hardships. But when handled more carelessly, they risk becoming exploitative or misleading, or, for the creators behind them, legally problematic – something Netflix has quickly learned the ‘truth’ of.

The post What should and shouldn’t be fictionalised in media based on real-life events?  appeared first on Roscommon People.

When the results of the General Election came in late last year, a broad consensus was quickly reached: that, to a somewhat unexpected degree, and despite apparent tangible dissatisfaction, Irish voters had opted to stick with incumbent parties for yet another term.

With such a penchant for and experience with the status quo, one might optimistically assume that such a decision would, at the very least, mean the government would have a quick enough path to formation by the time the ‘deadline’ came around – but then again, getting things done on time is not exactly the political status quo here.

I am referring of course to the chaotic scenes that caused history to be made on Wednesday, January 22nd, when, after a day of escalating tensions and disorder, the Dáil failed, for the first time in over a hundred years, to fulfil its constitutional obligation to elect a Taoiseach. It wasn’t until the following day that the Dáil was finally able to settle into its new term, under the helm of Fianna Fáil leader Micheál Martin once again. All’s well that ends, well… the same way it started out.

However it remains to be seen whether the recent chaotic spectacle was merely a brief blip in the Taoiseach-electing procedure, a teething process in the Dáil’s return… or rather, a glimpse into the uneasy alliances that will define this new government’s tenure.

Speaking out of turn?

The chaos which led to conversation in the Dáil being suspended on multiple occasions was prompted (perhaps ironically) by the issue of speaking time.

In a spectacular display of parliamentary brinkmanship, the Regional Independent Group (RIG) attempted to secure recognition as an opposition entity, despite lending its votes to sustain the incoming government.

Comprising, as the name suggests, of a handful of independent TDs from rural areas, the Regional Independent Group had struck a deal with Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil earlier in January to pave the way for government formation. Under the agreement, two members of the Regional Independent Group (RIG) would sit at cabinet, each holding ‘super junior’ ministries. These members are Noel Grealish and Seán Canney, while Kevin ‘Boxer’ Moran and Marian Harkin will hold junior ministerial roles – leaving just leader Michael Lowry and new TDs Barry Heneghan and Gillian Toole as parliamentary backbenchers. In return for these positions, the RIG will support Fianna Fáil (FF) and Fine Gael (FG) in key votes, ensuring they have the necessary majority and can therefore remain stable.

And yet, during the recent very tense proceedings in Leinster House, the RIG sought to retain speaking privileges in the Dáil… from the opposition benches.

Arguing that since they were not formally part of a  coalition they should be granted opposition status (and privileges), the group attempted to leverage procedural rules by requesting official opposition status from Ceann Comhairle Verona Murphy, to entitle them to more time to question ministers and a greater platform in debates.

In the subsequent backlash that ensued, the Dáil session was marked by significant disorder and suspended three times. Opposition politicians (or the rest of them, per RIG) expressed outrage at what they viewed as an audacious attempt to game the system. Eventually, following much commotion, a decision was ultimately made not to recognise the group until further clarification on their position is determined, but criticism continued to abound from the rest of the political sphere regarding the request.

Labour party leader Ivana Bacik commented, “All we need now is the return of the Galway tent”. Sinn Féin leader Mary Lou McDonald lambasted the government-in-waiting for engaging in “stroke politics” and accused the RIG of wanting to have it both ways. Amid her comments, she insisted that the group’s leader, the controversial Tipperary North TD Michael Lowry, “not be allowed to masquerade as an opposition TD”.

This week, the unseemly row over the Regional Group’s bid to have speaking rights from the opposition benches – while still supporting the new government – finally came to a head, Ceann Comhairle Verona Murphy ruling that Michael Lowry & Co cannot form a technical group. It’s been quite a saga, and a bad start for the new administration.

Michael Lowry returns… having never left

The flurry of attention on the RIG has reignited interest in its leader, one of Ireland’s most controversial, yet enduring, political figures: former Fine Gael minister and by now long-time independent TD Michael Lowry.

Having been investigated by two State tribunals – the findings of which describe his “insidious and pervasive influence” during a multi-billion euro (pounds at the time) state telecommunications contract, his “cynical and venal abuse of office”, and his behaviour as being “profoundly corrupt to a degree that was nothing short of breathtaking” – Lowry is a politician who, on paper, would not be expected to still hold the political position he does. Lowry resigned as a minister and from Fine Gael, and when the controversy around him peaked following the publication of the Moriarty tribunal report in 2011, a motion was passed by the Dáil calling on him to resign his seat – but in effect, his presence has endured, with Lowry having continually maintained a stalwart role in his Tipperary North constituency (topping the poll, in fact) as an independent TD, while still consistently voting alongside Fine Gael in an informal arrangement of mutual benefit.

For many, Lowry represents what is (hoped to be) an old type of Irish politics; one defined by backroom dealings, parish-pump loyalty, and a certain air of invincibility that seems impervious to the small matters of tribunal findings and public condemnation. And while it’s not as if Lowry ever truly took a step back from politics, his return to the forefront within the national conversation – alongside his group’s pivotal role in government formation – has raised eyebrows, not to mention concerns around just how much power-sharing appears to favour pragmatism over principle.

The more things change…

For the public, Lowry’s renewed relevance, and the fact that the FF-FG coalition had (or decided) to join forces with the controversial politician’s group to form a government at all, underscores an uncomfortable idea: that Irish politics may be troubled with old habits – a sentiment not helped by recent reports that this government will be the best paid in the history of the State.

Irish voters opted to retain incumbent parties in November, and given evident public dissatisfaction regarding a lack of effective action on issues like housing, the cost of living crisis, and the far-right, it feels fair to presume that, rather than this having been a decision made solely on the basis of satisfaction with government policies, there was also a sense of craving stability in times of heightened tensions and polarisation.

It remains very early days for the new government, and so it also remains to be seen whether or not the recent chaos was a blip or an omen. Only time will tell, but even in its infancy, questions are already mounting over this new government’s ability to maintain cohesion, manage dissent, and avoid the perception that it is engaging in political manoeuvring to sustain power. Stability, it turns out, is a relative term.

The post Unseemly start for new Dáil term appeared first on Roscommon People.

Let’s talk about…

Dublin’s on-street “soup-kitchen” ban bylaws

Coming out of the festive season, a time heavily associated with giving charitably to others and the communal sharing of food, one does not expect to read headlines like those that began doing the rounds just before New Years; headlines sharing the news that Dublin City Council are gearing up to draft bylaws that would prohibit on-street food services for the city’s homeless population and others in need.

The introduction of these “soup kitchen” bylaws was a recommendation of the Taoiseach’s Taskforce for Dublin, published last October. They aim to end the practice whereby charitable volunteer groups set up unregulated services, usually providing hot food, to people queuing on the city’s streets, with the taskforce commenting that the delivery of such services in “high-profile locations risks the privacy, dignity and the safety of people using the service, attracts anti-social behaviour and drug dealing, and degrades the public realm”.

The news of these bylaws has, in recent weeks, drawn a slew of understandable criticism from members of the general public and the charitable groups in question alike. Chris O’Reilly, of the Liberty Soup Run, a non-profit mobile service who deliver food and sleeping bags to Dublin’s homeless population, stated explicitly that he believes the taskforce’s recommendation to be wrong. And the nonprofit organisation Focus Ireland, who provide services to the homeless and those at risk of homelessness, have described the plans as “depressing” – noting that for many, such services might the only way they can get a hot meal.

However, further comments made by Focus Ireland’s Director of Advocacy Mike Allen also emphasise the genuine issues with the current model for providing food to those in need, issues which presumably prompted the bylaws themselves: “The society that we want to build in Focus Ireland does not include the necessity for people to stand in the dark, in the cold, to be handed out soup on the street.”

Here, we see the common ground which charitable and volunteer groups share with the taskforce regarding this issue; that services need to be improved. Because, as blunt and as inexplicably unsympathetic headlines such as “The Council Wants To Ban Soup Kitchens” read, there is of course seeds of reason behind these controversial plans.

Because in an ideal world, yes – homeless people and those experiencing food poverty should not have to queue up in freezing temperatures for the chance of a hot meal… but they have been for the past number of weeks. They have been for the last few years, frankly.

Because ours is far from an ideal world: food poverty is increasing year on year and Ireland’s homeless levels are at a crisis level – the highest they’ve ever been, with over 15,000 people on the streets. The Taskforce for Dublin is not wrong to remind us people shouldn’t have to queue on the street to eat, but the fact that people continue to, every day, should exemplify just how crucial the services they would seek to prohibit are. Yes, no one should have to deal with the glaring flaws of the current model – but they wouldn’t if they didn’t have to.

What feels glaringly obvious is that there would have been very little backlash to the regulation of on-street services for the purposes of safety and dignity, had the news of these bylaws come hand-in-hand with the announcement of similar indoor and/or regulated alternatives. If the issue is the current model, then the solution is a better model – not just gutting the current one and leaving a tremendous gulf in the provision of crucial services. Karl Mitchell, who represented the council on the taskforce, did indeed comment that any new laws would be complemented by an increase in indoor services – however we’re yet to see any specific details to back this up.

In the absence of any such action, it gets harder and harder to dispel mounting criticism that these bylaws represent an attempt to superficially “clean up” Dublin’s image – gentrifying the city centre instead of tackling the root societal issues fuelling issues likes homelessness and food poverty – particularly when the taskforce’s own rationale includes critiquing the fact that people gathering on the street to access services “degrades the public realm”.

The prominence of on-street services is symptomatic of a country whose homelessness and food poverty levels have reached such a crisis point, that much of the work done to help those in need is done by volunteers, who give up their own free time to try and alleviate the effect that the government’s failures – be it in housing, in food services, in supports – are having on their fellow people. The prohibition of these outdoor services, if enacted without the introduction of indoor alternatives capable of catering to the same amount of people, would be symptomatic of yet another failure on the governments part, and indicative of a government that would prioritise the way their capital city appears to look, over the experience of its citizens.

The post Food for thought as Dublin City Council plans to restrict soup kitchen service appeared first on Roscommon People.

Award-winning poet and native of County Roscommon Jane Clarke – who now resides with her wife in Glasnevin, County Wicklow – is a highly celebrated Irish artist, whose work has received widespread acclaim over the years. Currently, her poetry is the subject of an ongoing textile art exhibition at Dublin Castle (‘ROOTS: A Dialogue in Textile and Poetry’), which has seen fifteen artists come together to create artwork inspired by Clarke’s words.

Clarke’s previous work includes the publication of three collections and two booklets, and her poetry has received extensive praise and recognition, with the County Roscommon native having received accolades such as the Ireland Chair of Poetry Travel Award, the Hennessy Literary Award for Emerging Poetry, and the Listowel Writers’ Week Poem of the Year at the Irish Book Awards, as well as having been shortlisted and longlisted for a range of prestigious prizes/awards and featured in numerous anthologies.

Speaking to Roscommon People reporter Alannah Ita Healy, Jane Clarke discusses her poetry, her career, and her time living in Roscommon – as well as how these memories has stayed with her over the years.

ALANNAH: Can you talk a bit about your time growing up in Roscommon? Any inspiration you take from that time, etc?

JANE: I grew up on a farm in Fuerty, about four miles from Roscommon town. When I began to write in my early forties I found myself returning in my mind to the fields, the wildflowers, hedges and trees, the turloughs and the River Suck. I realised then that they had shaped my imagination as had the people, animals and farming life of my childhood. My parents were steeped in farming and I did the research for many of my poems around the kitchen table, asking them questions and listening to their stories.

ALANNAH: You’ve mentioned that the titular poem of your first collection ‘The River’ – referring to the River Suck in Roscommon – took seven years to complete. How do you decide when a poem is ‘finished’ or ready to share? Conversely, how do you recognise when a poem is missing something?

JANE: The more I read and write poetry the better I can judge when a poem is finished. I usually write the first draft of a poem quickly and then the slower work of editing begins. I often have a sense that the poem is nearly there, but not quite. Fortunately I have a regular workshop group and other poet friends who read and comment on my work and give suggestions for change. I attribute my development as a poet in no small way to their skilful and insightful feedback.

ALANNAH: In your work, nature is often almost a character in its own right. Can you elaborate on your connection to the natural world and its role in your work? Do you view nature as more of a metaphor or a muse?

JANE: When I began to write poetry it was the natural world that gave me the words and imagery to explore loss and change, memory and the complexity of relationships. Since then my writing has led me to learn more about nature. It is both muse and metaphor to me but more than that I have come to understand that we humans are not separate from nature. We are embedded in our environment and totally dependent on it, whether that is air, water, trees or bees. Poetry can raise our awareness of the miracles of ordinary, everyday nature and thereby motivate us to protect it in whatever way we can.

ALANNAH: Many people from rural Ireland feel a deep connection to their home even when they leave. Is this something you relate to? How does this sense of ‘home’/rural connection permeate your poetry, and how might readers from Roscommon connect to this?

JANE: Yes, home lives on in our hearts and imaginations. Even though home for me is Glenmalure where I’ve lived for almost 30 years, my upbringing in Fuerty is an enduring resource. Readers from Roscommon have often said my poems remind them of the people and ways of life that have shaped them. One word can send us back to a time and a place, one detail can evoke a host of memories. A cool small evening shrunk to a dog bark/and the clank of a bucket – these lines from a Ted Hughes poem carried me back to the farm yard in Fuerty and I began to write ‘Dusk’, a poem in my first collection. I’m reminded of how the poet Thomas McCarthy expresses our attachment to the past: We can love our past not because it was easy but simply because it was ours.

ALANNAH: Your poetry often oscillates between work that feels deeply personal, and writing that speaks to and about the wider world and bigger issues. Is balancing personal expression with universal appeal something you’re cognisant of while writing? Are the themes in your work something you consciously choose, or do they emerge naturally when you write?

JANE: As a young feminist I learned that the personal is political, that our inner world is shaped by the outer world and vice versa. I’ve always been interested in society and issues of social justice and equality as well as our personal lives. It’s inevitable that what matters to us emerges in our writing. Sometimes I consciously choose a theme but most often I see the theme emerge as the poem comes into being or even after it is written. It is strong emotion that stirs a poem in me, whether in response to something intensely personal or something in the wider world.

ALANNAH: In ‘Spalls’ from your third collection, you say your folks would’ve “preferred a husband and children/but their daughter loved a woman”, and in ‘In Glasnevin’, from your second collection, you recall how your grandmother “used to say, there was none of that/in my day” – lines I find powerfully yet succinctly capture a particularly Irish brand of heteronormativity and queer erasure. Given how much our social norms and social history have omitted queerness, how conscious are you of writing into those gaps? What are you hoping to communicate when you do?

JANE: I don’t begin a poem with a message in mind. I write what I have to write and what in that moment I am able to write because of how I am stirred emotionally. I’m happy when a poem speaks to others of their lives. Ireland has become a much more open and inclusive country since I was a child but there are still many people who live in fear and denial about sexual identity. Queer people are still censored and we censor ourselves as a form of self-protection. Civil Partnership and Marriage Equality made a fundamental difference to my writing. It was as if my country said at last, yes, you belong here. That in turn freed my creativity. I hope that some of my poems reach out to queer people and their families and friends. Seeing our lives represented in literature and other art forms gives us courage to be ourselves in all our diversity.

ALANNAH: The ongoing ROOTS exhibit at Dublin Castle comprises art by fifteen artists, inspired by your work. What was it like seeing your poetry interpreted visually? Did any of the works surprise you?

JANE: I was stunned when I first saw the exhibition; the beauty and diversity of the work and the depth of meaning. Each artist chose one or two of my poems as an inspiration and in all they have created fifty works of art. I am honoured that my poems sparked their creations. Over 12,000 people have visited the exhibition already and their positive responses have been overwhelming. It’s wonderful that people of all ages and from all over the country and beyond are visiting. Many go back a second time, finding the combination of visual art and poetry profoundly moving.

ALANNAH: When it comes to reading poetry and other forms of writing yourself, what type of work are you drawn to? Are there specific themes, genres, or writers you find yourself returning to, and why?

JANE: Reading makes me want to write and teaches me how to write better. I begin work every morning with reading, mostly poetry but I always have a few other books on the go, often nature writing and history. I love anthologies where I can find poems from all over the world with a wide range of themes and styles. I am usually drawn to poems that are distilled to a kind of simplicity and clarity and are musical, visual and maybe a little mysterious. The novel I’m reading at the moment, Abraham Verghese’s The Covenant of Water, reminds me of reading George Eliot, Jane Austin and Thomas Hardy when I was young; the wonder of a well-told story that helps us imagine other lives and places.

ALANNAH: What challenges have you faced as a poet, whether creatively, personally, or professionally?

JANE: You’re a perpetual beginner as a writer and so the next book, even the next poem, is always a challenge. There’s often a sense of failure and rejections are inevitable. I had to make difficult decisions along the way in order to carve out time for writing but I’d say the most difficult time was when I had finished my first collection and was looking for a publisher. I was very fortunate to have my work accepted by Bloodaxe Books. My editor’s commitment to and interest in my poetry ever since has given me a sense of security which allows me to spread my wings as a writer.

ALANNAH: Has your perspective on poetry and its purpose evolved over the course of your career?

JANE: Now I see that poetry serves many purposes. It gives pleasure, expresses emotion that can’t be conveyed in other ways, helps us understand ourselves and each other, reminds us that we are not alone in either our joys or struggles. It can also bear witness to injustice, inequality and violence. I’ve read powerful collections this year inspired by environmental loss here and abroad as well as the genocide in Gaza and the war in Ukraine. A poem is a small thing but it can reach far and wide.

ALANNAH: Are there any projects you are working on currently?

JANE: I’m working on my fourth collection at the moment with a view to publication in 2026. I’m also editing an illustrated book of poetry and prose on the theme of connecting with nature.

ALANNAH: Looking back on your career, is there a particular poem, collection, or project you’re most proud of, and why?

JANE: Every poem and every publication is important to me but my first collection will always have a special place in my heart because of that girl growing up on a farm in Fuerty who loved reading and dreamed of writing a book. I put the dream aside until my early forties when I wrote my first poem. Ten years later The River went out into the world and was read and loved. That book led to all the others.

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The Convent of Mercy in Roscommon town has relaunched as Mercy College Roscommon, the move coming as, from this week on, the school begins its transition to becoming a co-educational facility.

Opened by the Sisters of Mercy in 1929, the institution has an established reputation for providing exceptional education – even being listed as the fourth highest performing school in all of Connacht by the Irish Times in 2023.

Located on the Convent Road in Roscommon town, the school’s near 100-year legacy is reflected in the facility’s exterior – with the main building’s traditional stone facade being iconic to the school and indicative of its decades-long history. Inside however, the school has undergone substantial refurbishments in recent years, modernising its facilities to provide students with the latest resources and highest possible standards of education – with even more upgrades to come to the school in the near future.

The Roscommon People visited Mercy College Roscommon this week to speak to principal Miriam Hunt and staff about the transition the school is going through, and to get a look at the new refurbishments that have taken place.

Ms Hunt calls this relaunch as a co-educational facility, “a new and exciting development in the history of the school”, telling the Roscommon People this week that significant efforts have been made in recent years to further broaden the range of educational resources and options available to students – from physical refurbishments, to an extensive expansion of the curriculum and subjects on offer.

The Roscommon People had the chance to get a taste of these developments this week, kicking off the visit with a trip to the school’s newly-refurbished home economics room, where some of the school’s TY students were getting prepared for their class. The room, which is set to receive an official opening on December 12^th, boasts a state-of-the-art, fully-equipped kitchen comprising ten self-contained units. The upgrades are consistent with the stellar home economics education the department has been providing to students over the years, and offers pupils the best possible facilities with which to complete all culinary elements of their subject.

Next, the Roscommon People got a look at another of Mercy College Roscommon’s newly-renovated spaces – one of the school’s science labs, where students were busy starting the morning’s chemistry class. This refurbishment received special acknowledgement last week on Friday, November 15^th, when it was officially unveiled by Dr Mick Henry from the Environmental Protection Agency, who shared an inspiring presentation with the students regarding environmental protection.

There has been significant investment in developing the STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering and Maths) facilities at the school in recent years, and the lab’s recent renovation is but one example of the excellent resources being made available to students to empower them to pursue and excel in vital scientific fields. During this week’s visit, the Roscommon People got a chance to see another such resource, which, introduced just a few years ago, has already proved a wonderful addition to Mercy College Roscommon – the school’s design lab.

The state-of-the-art lab – a bright, modern, and playful space located just off the school’s canteen (also upgraded in recent years to feature a games area for students in addition to providing hot/cold food and refreshments) – boasts the latest equipment and technology for pupils studying applied technology (junior cycle) and technology (senior cycle). This includes access to laser-cutting, 3D-printing, and 3D-design CAD software. While being shown around the lab this week, the Roscommon People had the opportunity to see, in person, the fruits of Mercy College Roscommon’s investment in this field, getting a look at a couple of the impressive projects students have recently completed. Pupils have risen to the high standard of equipment made available to them, achieving significant success in every regard – in terms of their grades and recognition at regional/national awards, but also in terms of evolving their interest and creativity when it comes to technology.

Fitness Hub

Another area that has seen transformative renovation is the school’s fitness resources, most notably with the opening of a brand new fitness hub last month – the official opening being carried out by Olympic boxer and Castlerea native Aoife O’Rourke. So expansive is this facility’s offerings, that when speaking to sixth-year students during this week’s visit, pupils found it difficult to list off, in entirety, the full range of equipment at their disposal in their new hub – which boasts everything from rowing machines and spinning bikes, to treadmills and weight training equipment. Evidently, the new hub provides students with every possible piece of equipment they may need to excel in Leaving Certificate physical education, as well as playing a pivotal role in promoting physical activity among students in general and complimenting the school’s established reputation for sporting success.

Across the board, the school continues to provide a high standard of education in every discipline. For instance, the school library (which has been also renovated) remains open as a quiet space to students during lunch, promoting and facilitating reading for students. Another example is the school’s wonderful co-curricular and extra-curricular music programme, with Mean College Roscommon’s regular musical productions and award-winning chamber choir being but two of their most notable and celebrated offerings for interested students.

Principal Miriam Hunt noted that an intentional emphasis is placed on ensuring “that the individual needs of each student are addressed”, and this is reflected in not just the broad curriculum on offer, but also in the approach taken to create an inclusive and supportive environment for all learners – including neurodivergent students. To get a sense of the work being done in this regard, the Roscommon People got a chance to step into the school’s Suaimhneas Suite this week – a specialist classroom officially opened by Minister for Education Norma Foley early this year, which also incorporates a multi-sensory room and outdoor recreation area. This area represents the school’s commitment to ensure all students are able to thrive in their educational environment, even when traditional schooling methods/practices are unsuitable.

Into the future, Mercy College Roscommon is keen to keep building on its resources for students: “We are also embarking on a major new building project involving a multi-million euro extension approved by the Department of Education”, Ms Hunt highlighted. “This will complement the existing extensive facilities together with the recently-refurbished state-of-the-art science lab, home economics room, applied technology room, and fitness hub”.

The relaunch of Mercy College Roscommon as a co-educational facility, and the various refurbishments it has undergone and looks forward to, are reflective of the school’s established ethos of pursuing excellence in all areas of education and encouraging each student to reach their full potential. Looking ahead, Mercy College Roscommon is committed to continuing to provide an exceptional education for all students as it moves forward into this new era.

Open Day

Mercy College Roscommon’s open day takes place today (Thursday, November 21^st), from 6 pm to 9 pm. For more information, visit rosconvent.ie, email info@rosconvent.ie, phone 090 6626321, or keep up to date with Mercy Convent Roscommon on social media.

The post Convent of Mercy relaunches as Mercy College Roscommon, boasting new state-of-the-art facilities appeared first on Roscommon People.

There’s an unfortunate situation we’ve generally come to expect when we hear news of a protest in a rural town these days.

After all, time and time again we’ve seen similar news stories devolve into the same situation; a rural community attempting to call attention to genuine issues in their area have their protests so completely derailed by disruptive opportunists and far-right agitators, that this is what the entire story becomes about. The voices of the affected are quickly muffled out, their problems endure or worsen, and the situation repeats.

Last weekend in fact, we very nearly saw this exact situation play out in one of our own local towns: Ballaghaderreen.

It will be little news to regular Roscommon People readers that crime in Ballaghaderreen, as well as in a number of other local rural towns and villages, has been on the rise. And the heightened occurrence of a number of incidents, from burglaries and anti-social behaviour to vandalism and violent attacks, coupled with the continued perception that the Government has failed to give this problem adequate attention (never mind properly address it), has prompted a slew of public demonstrations.

We have seen communities, activists, and certain local politicians making keen and admirable efforts to protest against the increase in rural crime and lack of Government action in response. And given the current climate, this is something that now must be done in tandem with staying conscious and vigilant of how such activism could be easily derailed by those looking to engage in mob-like anti-social behaviour, or to frame it in a way that fuels a hateful political agenda.

As mentioned, Ballaghaderreen is among a number of local areas which has been suffering from a lack of resources and experiencing rising crime levels. There are quite a few examples to point to from across recent months, but perhaps none capture the level of the severity associated with the ongoing situation better than what occurred in the town last weekend.

It was reported nationally last weekend that a serious violent assault had been carried out against a teenager on the town’s Main Street, shortly after midnight. And matters only intensified on Saturday, when a group of up to 40 people (allegedly in balaclavas) took to the streets of Ballaghaderreen, prompting even more fear for residents and leading to damage to two properties.

On Sunday, over 400 residents gathered in the town for a vigil/crime protest, demonstrating against the lack of resources and adequate policing in the town, as well as publicly displaying the community’s solidarity – not just with the young victim allegedly assaulted a few days before, but also as a community as a whole.

And as well as successfully holding a large-scale protest to bring attention to the issues being experienced in the area, Sunday also saw the community of Ballaghaderreen successfully sidestep the same pitfall that so many other rural towns have been unable to avoid when holding their own protests in recent months. Because again, as we have (unfortunately) come to expect, Ballaghaderreen residents were not the only attendees fighting to make a point at the recent demonstration.

The assault alleged to have taken place in the early hours of last Friday morning had, within the couple of days, caught the attention of far-right commentators, as well as some agitators online, eager to spin the story away from the central issue of rural crime and into a blanket (and utterly unfounded) condemnation of the non-Irish members of the community. Blatant misinformation was espoused, from referring to the assault as a “gang rape” to claiming the perpetrator(s) responsible were refugees, to the point where Gardaí had to put out a misinformation notice to shut down these false claims. As is their pattern, some of these agitators then turned up to last Sunday’s protest.

Their intrusion at this event had the potential to obscure the reality of the very real problems Ballaghaderreen has been fighting to have addressed for so long, and to spark divide between residents in the community by placing the blame squarely on a subsection of that same community. But fortunately, such efforts were largely quashed.

Following the protest, several videos cropped up on social media, depicting far-right agitators’ interactions with residents. Clips taken by these agitators themselves show exchanges with residents wherein they unsuccessfully attempt to present the situation as being monolithically the fault of the town’s immigrant population – as if these residents don’t have an infinitely better idea of what is going on in their own town, and as if this isn’t the community whose open embrace of its newer, non-Irish neighbours has seen the town held up as a model of integration nationally. One particularly viral video showed notorious outside agitator Philip Dwyer attempt to disrupt proceedings by interrupting local councillor Micheál Frain during his speech at the event.

“You’re a mouthpiece and we know you are,” Frain shot back, eliciting cheers from the local crowd. “You’ve been going around the length and breadth of the country stirring hatred. The people of Ballaghaderreen will stand together as they have always done”.

It is widely felt that these people do not have any real interest in the welfare of towns like Ballaghaderreen or their residents. And it is only more evidenced by their approach at last Sunday’s event, by their attempts to divide a community particularly known for, and proud of, standing in solidarity with each other – Irish or non-Irish.

Ballaghaderreen is an area where enormous efforts have been made to make sure theirs remains an open and inclusive community while taking in a huge influx of new residents over the years. But Ballaghaderreen’s openness and community spirit – while enduringly commendable, and only more so amid recent rising tensions – can only go so far to ensuring a rise in population that drastic doesn’t have significant negative knock-on effects.

An increase of the scale Ballaghaderreen’s population has experienced puts enormous pressure on a town’s resources. A ramping up of resources needs to happen in tandem when such influxes occur. But this has not been realised in Ballaghaderreen – in fact in some areas, such as Garda coverage and presence, resources have been ramped down. There is a lack of appropriate housing, educational resources, doctors… the list goes on.

The people of Ballaghaderreen have done their part; they have welcomed new residents with open arms, they have identified and highlighted to their representatives what more they need for the town, and they have swiftly and resolutely shut down those who would happily hijack their plight for their own baseless and fear-spreading agenda. Maintaining focus on the real issues in a situation like this is something that has become increasingly difficult these days, but this is what the Ballaghaderreen community has done and they should be commended for it. It is essential now that authorities listen to the community’s demands for more protection and take strong, effective steps to ensure meaningful action.

The post Let’s talk about… Ballaghaderreen appeared first on Roscommon People.

Local artist Michelle Fallon reached out to the Roscommon People this week after she woke up on Tuesday morning to discover that the elaborate witch decoration she had constructed for Halloween had been stolen overnight.

“To think somebody would stoop that low and do such a thing is so disappointing”, Michelle shared in an Instagram post following the revelation.

“I’m absolutely devastated. My niece and nephew only arrived yesterday and they were so excited about it”.

Happily, the missing witch was found on Wednesday, but unfortunately it was not in the best condition, having been damaged (or vandalised). The ‘witch’ was located on the side of the road.

Michelle pledged to ‘reconstruct’ the witch in time for the Halloween celebrations.

Earlier, the well-known local artist, who has featured on several television shows and publications, had documented the process of her witch’s creation online, sharing a video to her 7.5k+ Instagram followers last week. She created the decoration by cutting a silhouette out of an 8×4 sheet of plywood with a jigsaw and painting it black, before adding other details such as a broom, fabric skirt, and cauldron to finish off the spooky feature. The witch was set up, complete with fairy lights, outside Michelle’s mother’s home for just a few nights before going missing at the beginning of the week.

Speaking before the discovery of the witch, Michelle said: “I have spent hours upon hours making it over the last couple of weeks and so many people have got such enjoyment from it”, Michelle commented. “How could someone be so awful to do such a thing?”

Michelle received a lot of support when the story was posted online with hundreds of people expressing their outrage and sympathy upon hearing the news and many sharing the story across social media.

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There’s a question that has been swirling around seemingly endlessly within Irish political conversations for the past while, with only heightened frequency as the obligatory post-Budget brouhaha dies down; a question, though eager for the answer, the public is no doubt tired of asking – when, oh when, will the General Election be held?

Indeed, the (relative) uncertainty surrounding which side of New Year’s polling day will fall, appears to be something even the politicians themselves have grown sick of – or as independent TD Mattie McGrath would put it (and indeed did put it while speaking in the Dáil last week), something that at this point, has “people driven demented”.

Prior to more recent days, Taoiseach Simon Harris had been able to dismiss much of the pressure to hold talks with Coalition party leaders about the date of the election, by citing the big ‘obstacle’ of the Budget as the more pressing priority.

“My position is that the election will be in due course, that it’s my prerogative to call the election, that I will do it in consultation with the other leaders, and that I want the Government to go full term,” he said at the time… while also repeatedly refusing to rule out the possibility of an election taking place this year.

Given Harris’s comments, the arrival of the Budget was always going to spark renewed pressure for such a talk between Coalition partners to occur and for an official decision to be reached. And of course, the actual announcement itself only added fuel to the fire that despite Harris’s full term assertions, a 2024 election could be on the mind. After all, though any last-year-of-term Budget is going to be susceptible to accusations of being a “pre-election Budget” – that is, a Budget made with the express priority of shinnying up the party/parties in power right in time for polling day – such accusations only hold more water when so much of the reaction to the Budget in question has been littered with critiques of its “unfocused over-spending” and allocation of once-off measures over more long-term solutions.

But even despite such critiques, the public will indeed see benefits from this recently-announced Budget that would be fresher on the mind were an election to take place next month, as opposed to next spring. And that, potentially at least, could be a big item in the ‘2024 election’ pros list for the Government – but of course it’s far from being the most major potential-early-indication-indicator circulating in the media at the moment.

Recent days have seen multiple scandals erupt surrounding the Government’s main opposition party, Sinn Féin, from the Michael McMonagle controversy to Brian Stanley’s resignation. In fact, it appears that for the Coalition partners, with every passing day the argument for a speedier election is fortified by the latest Sinn Féin scandal to hit the broadsheets. Even the most earnest attempts at accountability and reform-professing from the main opposition party in response to these scandals would be hindered by an election held so hot on the heels of such revelations, while the shock and outrage is fresh and without adequate time for the full scope of things to be addressed.

Taoiseach Harris has insisted that the Sinn Féin scandal is “not a factor of (his) consideration” in calling a General Election, though his assessment that “the people of Ireland were duped” by the main opposition party is far from a characterisation – whatever its actual accuracy/non-accuracy – that paints the opposition the way they’d like pre-election.

Sinn Féin want to be talking about housing, about whatever failures of the Government we’ve seen over this term, about their plans and priorities, about all the stuff that earned them the surge in popularity we’d been beginning to see just a little while back. But of course, the need to address these recent scandals is imminent, and cannot be forgone in place of playing pre-election politics.

For the big two in the Coalition partnership, there is the shared pros of a generous Budget package and Sinn Féin’s fall in the public eye, but the pre-election inter-Coalition cracks are beginning to form too. This is not helped with Harris’s personal popularity putting Fine Gael at about 25% in opinion polls, with Fianna Fáil at 20%; and recent comments from Tánaiste Micheál Martin about how in the past, Coalition leaders once “communicated directly and not through the media”.

As such, further questions arise over whether if Harris indeed were to suggest an early election, would Martin be game? Harris does of course withhold the right to go straight to the President without the approval of his Coalition partners and ask for an early election, but it does not seem like a very Harris move.

Ultimately, the seemingly endlessly swirling question of when the election will be held remains (at the time of writing at least). For an answer, we will simply have to wait and see.

At this point, perhaps the only question being asked more in politics conversations at the moment than when will the election be held is: when can we expect to find out?

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